‘Of making many books there is no end’: A Select Bibliography of Christian Literature

The books listed in this collection represent some of the most helpful Christian books I have encountered in my reading. These books are mostly drawn from the domain of Church history and historical theology. I hope you enjoy collecting and reading some of the literature recommended below. I consider these to be the best books on their respective subjects. I have graded the books according to difficulty. One * represents the easiest material, two ** the intermediate, and three *** the most difficult. 

Systematic Theology

Barth, Karl, Church Dogmatics (1932–1967), 13 vols.***

Barth, Karl, Dogmatics in Outline (London, 1960).*

Bavinck, Herman, Reformed Dogmatics, ed. John Bolt. Trans. John Vriend (Grand Rapids, MI, 2003 – 2008), 4 vols.***

Berkhof, Louis, Systematic Theology (Edinburgh, 1958).**

Calvin, John, Institutes of the Christian Religion, ed. by John T. McNeill. Trans. by Ford Lewis Battles  (London, 1960), 2 vols.**  

Horton, Michael, The Christian Faith: A Systematic Theology for Pilgrims on the Way (Grand Rapids, MI, 2011).**

Letham, Robert, Systematic Theology (Wheaton, Ill., 2019).**

Muller, Richard A., Post-Reformation Reformed Dogmatics: The Rise and Development of Reformed Orthodoxy, ca. 1520–1725 (Grand Rapids, Mich., 2003), 4 vols.***

Shedd, William G. T., Dogmatic Theology, 3rd ed. (New York, 1891).**

Thiselton, Anthony, Systematic Theology (London, 2015).**

Turretin, Francis, Institutes of Elenctic Theology (Phillipsburg, NJ, 1992 – 97), 3 vols.***

Watson, Thomas, A Body of Divinity (Glasgow, 1686).*

Webster, John, Kathryn Tanner, and Iain Torrance (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Systematic Theology (Oxford, 2007).** 

Church History & Historical Theology

Atherstone, Andrew and David Ceri Jones, Engaging with Martyn Lloyd-Jones: The Life and Legacy of the ‘Doctor’ (Nottingham, 2011).**

Bainton, Roland, Here I Stand: Martin Luther (New York, 1950).*

Bebbington, David, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain: A History from the 1730s to the 1980s (London and Boston, 1989).**

Beeke, Joel and Mark Jones, A Puritan Theology: Doctrine for Life (Grand Rapids, Mich., 2012).**

Brown, Peter, Augustine of Hippo: A Biography (London, 1969).**

Dallimore, Arnold, George Whitefield: The Life and Times of the Great Evangelist of the 18th Century Revival (Edinburgh, 1970, 1980), 2 vols.**

Edwards, Jonathan, The Works of Jonathan Edwards Online (http://edwards.yale.edu/), 73 vols. [Accessed 06/12/2021].*** 

Evans, Eifion, Bread of Heaven: The Life and Work of William Williams, Pantycelyn (Bryntirion, 2010).*

Evans, Eifion, Daniel Rowland and the Great Evangelical Awakening in Wales (Edinburgh, 1985).*

Gordon, Bruce, Calvin (London and Yale, 2009).*

Hindmarsh, D. Bruce, The Spirit of Early Evangelicalism: True Religion in a Modern World (Oxford and New York, 2017).***

Jones, David Ceri, ‘A Glorious Work in the World’: Welsh Methodism and the International Evangelical Revival: 1735–1750 (Cardiff, 2004).***

Jones, Paul Dafydd and Paul T. Nimmo (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Karl Barth (Oxford, 2019).***

Kidd, Thomas S., The Great Awakening: The Roots of Evangelical Christianity in Colonial America (Yale, 2009).**

MacCulloch, Diarmaid, A History of Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (London, 2010).**

MacCulloch, Diarmaid, Reformation: Europe’s House Divided (London, 2004).**

Maddox, Responsible Grace: John Wesley’s Practical Theology (Nashville, Tenn., 1994).**

Marsden, George, Jonathan Edwards: A Life (New Haven, 2003).**

Marsh, Charles, Strange Glory: A Life of Dietrich Bonhoeffer (New York, 2014).**

McClymond, Michael J., and Gerald R. McDermott, The Theology of Jonathan Edwards (Oxford, 2011).***

Morgan, Densil, The SPCK Introduction to Karl Barth (London, 2010).**  

Morgan, Derec Llwyd, The Great Awakening in Wales (London, 1988).**

Muller, Richard, After Calvin: Studies in the Development of a Theological Tradition (Oxford and New York, 2003).***

Muller, Richard, The Unaccommodated Calvin: Studies in the Foundation of a Theological Tradition (Oxford and New York, 2000).***

Murray Iain, David Martyn Lloyd-Jones: The Fight of Faith 1939–1981 (Edinburgh, 1990).**

Murray, Iain, David Martyn Lloyd-Jones: The First Forty Years 1899–1939 (Edinburgh, 1982).**

Murray, Iain, The Puritan Hope: A Study in Revival and the Interpretation of Prophecy (London, 1971).*

Packer, J. I., Among God’s Giants: The Puritan Vision of the Christian Life (Eastbourne, 1991).**

Pelikan, Jaroslav, The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of Doctrine (London and Chicago, 1971–1989), 5 vols.***

Rack, Henry D., Reasonable Enthusiast: John Wesley and the Rise of Methodism (London, 1992).**

Reeves, Michael, Introducing Major Theologians: From the Apostolic Fathers to the Twentieth Century (Nottingham, 2015).*

Reeves, Michael, The Unquenchable Flame: Introducing the Reformation (Nottingham, 2009).*

Ryken, Leland, Worldly Saints: The Puritans as they really were (Grand Rapids, 2010).*

Ryrie, Alec, Protestants: The Radicals who made the Modern World (London, 2017).**

Stout, Harry, The Divine Dramatist: George Whitefield and the Rise of Modern Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich. 1991).**

Sweeney, Douglas A., and Jan Stievermann (eds), The Oxford Handbook of Jonathan Edwards (Oxford, 2021).***

Tudur, Geraint, Howell Harris: From Conversion to Separation 1735–1750 (Cardiff, 2000).** 

Wright, Tom, Paul: A Biography (London, 2018).**

Zaspel, Fred G., The Theology of B. B. Warfield: A Systematic Survey (Nottingham, 2010).**  

Apologetics and Philosophy

Collins, Francis S., The Language of God: A Scientist Presents Evidence for Belief (New York, 2006).*

Craig, William Lane, Reasonable Faith: Christian Truth and Apologetics (Wheaton, Ill., 1994).**

Keller, Timothy, The Reason for God: Belief in an Age of Scepticism (London, 2009).*

Lewis, C. S., Mere Christianity (1952).*

Lewis, C. S., Miracles (1947, 1960).*

Moreland, J. P. Scaling the Secular City: A Defence of Christianity (Grand Rapids, MI., 1987).**

Plantinga, Alvin, Knowledge and Christian Belief (Grand Rapids, Mich., 2015).* 

Plantinga, Alvin, Warranted Christian Belief (Oxford, 2004).***

Schaeffer, Francis, Francis A. Schaeffer Trilogy: The God Who is There, Escape From Reason, He is There, and He is Not Silent (Nottingham, 2018).**   

Schaeffer, Francis, How Should We Then Live? The Rise and Decline of Western Thought and Culture (London, 1976).**

Swinburne, Richard, Are we Bodies or Souls? (Oxford, 2019).**

Swinburne, Richard, Is there a God? (Oxford, 2010).**

Swinburne, Richard, The Existence of God (Oxford, 2004).***

Swinburne, Richard, The Resurrection of God Incarnate (Oxford, 2004).** 

Miscellaneous Topics

Athanasius, On the Incarnation (c. 318).*

Augustine of Hippo, Confessions (c.397–400).**

Barth, Karl, Evangelical Theology: An Introduction (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1979).**

Barth, Karl, The Epistle to the Romans, 6th ed. (Oxford, 1928).***

Boston, Thomas, Human Nature in its Fourfold State (Edinburgh, 1720).**

Bunyan, John, Pilgrim’s Progress (1678).*

Kuyper Abraham, Common Grace (Bellingham, WA, 2016–2020), 3 vols.***

Kuyper, Abraham, Lectures on Calvinism (Peabody, Mass, 2008).**

Letham, Robert, The Holy Trinity in Scripture, History, Theology, and Worship (Phillipsburg, NJ, 2004).**

Machen, J. Gresham, Christianity and Liberalism (Grand Rapids, Mich., 2009).**

Macleod, Donald, A Faith to Live By: Understanding Christian Doctrine (Fearn, 2010).*

McGrath, Alister E., Iustita Dei: A History of the Christian Doctrine of Justification (Cambridge, 1998).***

Milton, John, Paradise Lost (1667).***

Murray, John, Redemption Accomplished and Applied (Grand Rapids, 1955).**

Murray, John, The Collected Writings of John Murray (Edinburgh, 1982), 4 vols.***

Packer, J. I., Knowing God (London, 2011).*

Stott, John, The Cross of Christ, centennial ed. (London, 2021).*

Williams, Rowan, Christ: The Heart of Creation (London, 2018).***

Wright, N. T., Jesus and the Victory of God (London, 1996).***

Wright, N. T., Paul and the Faithfulness of God (London, 2013), 2 vols.***

Wright, N. T., The New Testament and the People of God (London, 1992).***

Wright, N. T., The Resurrection of the Son of God (London, 2003).***

Wright, Tom. Surprised by Hope: Rethinking Heaven, the Resurrection, and the Mission of the Church (London, 2007).**

An Analysis of William Lane Craig’s Reasonable Faith

William Lane Craig, Reasonable Faith: Christian Truth and Apologetics, 3rd ed. (Wheaton, Ill., 2008)

William Lane Craig is an analytic philosopher, Christian apologist, and theologian. He is an advocate of the kalam cosmological argument for the existence of God and argues for the historical plausibility of the resurrection of Jesus. Reasonable Faith seeks both to educate Christians concerning various aspects of apologetics and natural theology and persuade non-believers of the truth of Christian theism. Craig believes that Christian apologetics can be influential in shaping culture, strengthening believers, and challenging non-believers to accept the claims of Christianity. This article will explore in some detail the argument and apologetic of Reasonable Faith with the hope that it will persuade sceptics that God exists and that Jesus Christ is risen from the dead.   

How do I know Christianity is true?

Craig considers the perspectives of several Christian philosophers and theologians on this subject of the truth of Christianity. Augustine (354–430), he argues, adopted the position of faith seeking understanding (fides quaerens intelectum), while also giving considerable weight to the authority and existence of the Catholic Church. The witness of the Church to the Apostolic testimony concerning Christ was considered to be a reasonable argument for believing in the existence of God and the historical plausibility of the resurrection. Modern critics would not find such an appeal to authority as persuasive as medieval Christians, for whom the authority of the Church was paramount. Nonetheless, Augustine believed that the faith itself gave good reasons for believing.

This is not to say that medieval Christians had no arguments for the existence of God and person of Christ. St Thomas Aquinas (1225–74), for example, is widely considered to be one of the most important Western philosophers. He is well-known for his Quinque Viae or Five Ways. These are logical arguments for the existence of God based on the idea of a prime mover, causation, contingency, degree, and final causes or ends. He is equally well known for his distinction between faith and reason. The Church believes certain doctrines such as the Trinity and the incarnation on the basis of faith; whereas other doctrines such as the existence of God may be deduced from reason. Doctrines such as the Trinity and the incarnation are not contrary to reason, but they are mysterious and require a commitment of faith based on divine revelation in Scripture.

During the Enlightenment, two prominent Christian scholars who made the case for Christianity were John Locke (1632–1704) and Henry Dodwell (1641–1711). Locke argued for the existence of God on the basis of a cosmological argument. He insisted that revealed truths in Scripture cannot contradict reason and made the case for the reasonableness of Christianity. He insisted that Christianity had to be rational. His ideas were largely followed and pressed to the extreme by Deists who argued for the existence of God but denied his personal involvement in the world through miracle or providence. Dodwell by way of contrasts protested against the rational presentation of Christianity and argued for its subjective basis in Christian experience of the Holy Spirit. Religion is primarily a matter of the heart. A similar case for the experiential nature of Christian religion was made by John Wesley (1703–91) and George Whitefield (1714–70) during the 18th century evangelical revival. Wesley famously described faith as a warm embrace of the heart.

Contemporary theologians such as Karl Barth and Rudolf Bultmann have been skeptical of natural theology and apologetics. Barth was committed to a transcendental conception of God as the ‘wholly other’.  Even so, he maintained that God has revealed himself in a person: Jesus Christ. True religion consists of a personal encounter with Jesus as revealed in Scripture. ‘He meets us as the One who is hidden, the One about whom we must admit that we do not know what we are saying when we try to say who He is’ (cited on p. 36). Like Barth, Bultmann conceives of God transcendentally and argues that faith is necessary to salvation. This faith must involve some risk and uncertainty. There are parallels with existentialist philosophy in this regard – you must choose, take a risk on Christ Jesus.  

Wolfhart Pannenberg (1928–2014), a German Lutheran theologian, ushered in a new phase in European theology with a rigorously evidential approach.  His concept of history as a form of revelation focused on the resurrection of Christ. Christianity must take seriously the findings of historical-critical research. In the words of William Lane Craig, ‘If the historical foundation for faith were removed, then Christianity should be abandoned’ (p. 39). By way of contrast to Pannenberg’s evidentialist approach, Alvin Plantinga (b. 1932) has argued that Christian belief is warranted without any evidential considerations. In other words, belief in God is properly basic. In this regard, he follows John Calvin’s idea of the sensus divinitatis or ‘sense of deity’ implanted in human beings by the divine being. This testimony to the existence of God in all human beings, though marred by the fall, is further strengthened in the Christian by the internal witness of the Holy Spirit. In response to these views, William Lane Craig rises to the defence of natural theology and apologetics. He maintains that there is a distinction between knowing that Christianity is true and showing that it is true. ‘We know Christianity is true primarily by the self-authenticating witness of God’s Spirit. We show Christianity is true by presenting good arguments’ (p. 58). These arguments are considered in the following chapters.

The Absurdity of Life without God

The second chapter considers what might be termed ‘cultural arguments’ for the truth of Christian theism. These aim to show the absurdity of life without God. Blaise Pascal was one of the first philosophers to make a cultural argument for the existence of God. This is his famous wager argument. When the odds that God exists are even, the wise man will gamble that God exists. ‘If one wagers that God exists and he does, one has gained eternal life and infinite happiness. If he does not exist, one has lost nothing’ (p. 68). Those who gain Christ, gain everything. Fyodor Dotoyevsky approaches a cultural argument from a more pessimistic viewpoint. He was deeply troubled by the problem of human suffering in the world and tries to comprehend it in his novels. Positively, God may use suffering to perfect character and bring the sufferer closer to God – witness the example of Job in the Old Testament for instance. Negatively, if the existence of God is denied, there is no basis for evaluating whether an action is moral or immoral. All that remains is moral relativism and indifference.

Soren Kierkegaard (1813–55), the Danish existentialist philosopher of the late 19th century, presents a negative apologetic for the truth of Christianity. He sees life as being lived on three different stages: the aesthetic, the ethical, and the religious. In the aesthetic stage, life is pleasure – man lives for his pleasures (sex, art, music, etc.). But eventually he becomes dissatisfied with the pursuit of pleasure and it leads ultimately to unhappiness. What then? There is the ethical stage. The transition to this stage is motivated by dissatisfaction with the aesthetic – a kind of leap between stages. The ethical stage is concerned with right living and moral perfection. The problem with this is that moral perfection is unattainable. We will always fall short of God standard (cf. Romans 3:23). This leads to guilt and dissatisfaction and drives human beings towards the religious stage. Man seeks consolation with God – forgiveness for sin. This stage is reached by a leap of faith, not rational argument. It essentially is a leap into the dark in Kierkegaard’s view, but it is only by such a choice that man can authentic or realise himself and alleviate existential despair.

Arguably, Francis Schaeffer (1912–84) is the most well-known advocate of cultural apologetics. He argues that there is a ‘line of despair’ in the history of the development of the arts, humanities, literature and philosophy. The closer one approaches postmodernism the more fragmentation one discovers. He believes the problem began with Hegelian philosophy. Hegel is famous for the triad: thesis – antithesis – synthesis as the path to truth. The problem is that this process may be repeated endlessly, never allowing one to arrive at a place of cognitive rest, resulting in despair. The Theatre of the Absurd, abstract modern art, the music compositions of John Cage are all modern indications of despair and absurdity in this regard. Life without God ultimately leads towards meaninglessness and vanity. Building on Schaeffer’s approach, Craig makes the argument that life without God tends towards death. If death is the end of all being, both personal and cosmic, then what it is the ultimate point of existence? Christianity offers real hope in the resurrection of Christ. As Jesus said, ‘I am the resurrection and the life. Whoever believes in me, though he die, yet shall he live’ (John 11:25).

Arguments for the Existence of God

In the third and fourth chapters of Reasonable Faith, Craig identifies four main arguments for the existence of God: the ontological argument, the cosmological argument, the teleological argument, and the moral argument.

The ontological argument aims to prove not only that God exists, but also that he is endowed with all his traditional attributes of perfection (e.g. omniscience, omnipresence, omnipotence etc.). The medieval theologian Anslem of Canterbury argued that God is the greatest conceivable being there is. Since it is greater for something to exist in reality than in the mind, God necessarily exists. This argument was thought to be more of a curiosity of language than a real argument for the existence of God. People quipped that you could imagine the greatest possible island to exist or conjure up unicorns simply by imagining them. However, it has become a serious argument in contemporary philosophy through the work of Alvin Plantinga. In his version of the argument, Plantinga conceives of God as a being who is ‘maximally excellent’ in every possible world. The argument is formulated in the words of William Lane Craig as follows:

1.       It is possible that a maximally great being exists.

2.       If it is possible that a maximally great being exists, then a maximally great being exists in some possible world.

3.       If a maximally great being exists in some possible world, then it exists in every possible world.

4.       If a maximally great being exists in every possible world, then it exists in the actual world.

5.       If a maximally great being exists in the actual world, then a maximally great being exists.

6.       Therefore, a maximally great being exists.

The cosmological argument came about through Christian attempts to deal with Aristotle’s notion of the eternity of the universe. Christians, by way of contrast, argued that the universe had a beginning. The argument runs as follows:

1.       Everything that beings to exist has a cause.

2.       The universe began to exist.

3.       Therefore, it has a cause.

This argument has been surprising ratified by contemporary physics. Modern physics argues that the universe had a beginning. This is known as the standard model of the Big Bang theory. William Lane Craig delves into modern physics in ways that most people would consider mind boggling. The point of the Big Bang theory is that the universe is not eternal as Aristotelian philosophers had maintained. It had a beginning. In fact, in came into being out of nothing. This is just what we would expect to be the case if Christianity were true. Christians have maintained for over 2000 years that God created the universe out of nothing (ex nihilo). Robert Jastrow, an American astronomer and planetary physicist, makes the point with some considerable humour:

For the scientist who has lived by faith in the power of reason, the story ends like a bad dream. He has scaled the mountains of ignorance, he is about to conquer the highest peak; as he pulls himself over the final rock, he is greeted by a band of theologians who have been sitting there for centuries.

Another form of this argument is the Leibnizian cosmological argument based on the principle of sufficient reason. The argument may be formulated as follows:

1.       Everything which comes into existence has a sufficient explanation of its existence.

2.       If the universe had an explanation of its existence, that explanation is God.

3.       The universe exists

4.       Therefore, the universe had an explanation of its existence.

5.       Therefore, God exists.

The cosmological argument answers one of the deepest questions posed by philosophers: why is there something rather than nothing? The answer is that reality (‘something’) has an explanation, namely the Creator who called ‘something’ into existence out of nothing.

One of the most popular arguments for the existence of God is the teleological argument or the argument from design. This argument considers the complexity of the cosmos to be evidence for an Intelligent Designer. Perhaps, the most famous advocate of the argument from design was William Paley (1743–1805). Paley argued that human objects such as a watch are products of intelligent design. Likewise, the universe shows evidence of design. Consider for example the complexity of a living organism or of the human cell. This would suggest that the universe itself is a product of intelligent design in the same way that a watch is the product of a designer. However, the universe is vastly more complex and infinitely larger than a watch. Therefore, there is probably a vastly powerfully and intelligent being who created the universe. And this is what we would expect to be the case if Christianity were true.

It is often said that Charles Darwin put an end to the argument from design by showing that biological life had evolved and adapted to changing environments over time. It could however be argued that evolution simply adds to the complexity of the design process by which God created the world – this perspective is known as theistic evolution or evolutionary creationism. However, William Lane Craig does not take this approach in his book. Rather, he invites the reader to consider what is known in the scientific world as cosmic fine-tuning. There are several universal constants according to physics (the fine structure constant, gravitation, the weak force, the strong force) as well as the ratio between the mass of a proton and the mass of an electron. If these constants were changed even by a tiny amount, life and the universe as we know it would be impossible. This strongly suggests that the universe is a product of design rather than chance.

The final argument for the existence of God is the moral argument. This attempts to show from the objectivity of moral values and duties the existence of God considered as a divine lawgiver. William Lane Craig formulates the argument as follows:

1.       If God does not exist, objective moral values and duties do not exist.

2.       Objective moral values and duties do exist.

3.       Therefore, God exists.

A common objection to the moral argument is the Euthyphro dilemma, named after a dialogue by Plato. Is something good because God wills it? Or does God will something because it is good? The first implies that moral commands are arbitrary. The latter implies that the is some standard to which even God is beholden. In response to this dilemma, William Lane Craig shows that God’s commands are an expression of his just and loving nature. God himself is our highest good and the standard of goodness itself. It is important to stress that this argument is not saying that atheists and agnostics are immoral. It is merely pointing out that they have no objective basis for evaluating moral values and duties. Humanists live on borrowed capital.

The Problem of Historical Knowledge

As Christianity is a religion revealed in history, it is important for Christian apologists to familiarise themselves with method in history. William Lane Craig takes aim at postmodern and relativistic views of history in this chapter. He argues that medieval theologians did not really consider the problem of history in relation to Christianity. They accepted truths on the authority of the Catholic church. St Augustine famously said, ‘I would not believe in the Gospel, if the authority of the Catholic church did not bid me to do so’. Christianity was accepted on this basis of ecclesiastical witness to the Apostolic testimony. The emergence of an historical consciousness came with the Renaissance and progressed into the early modern period. Renaissance writers emphasised the importance of going back to the original sources of antiquity. Their slogan ad fontes (‘to the sources’) encapsulates this idea. This became an important feature of historical consciousness in modern society – going back to the original sources for evidence, rather than merely accepting something on the authority of the Church. The Protestant Reformers were deeply influenced by these ideas and emphasised going back to the Scriptures as the principal source for understanding the history of Israel, Jesus Christ, and the Apostolic Church. They summarised this approach in their slogan Sola Scriptura (‘scripture alone’).

The turn towards relativism emerged with modern commitments to historicism and postmodernism. The historian was seen as hopelessly biased by his own worldview and had no direct access to events of the past. There was simply no way of doing history without it being relativized by one’s own perspective and biases. The problem with postmodernism and relativism is that they are self-refuting. Postmodernism claims that there is no absolute truth and expresses incredulity towards metanarratives. The problem with this is that claiming ‘there is no absolute truth’ is itself an attempt to formulate an absolute truth. In other words, the claim refutes itself.  William Lane Craig suggests that it is possible to do history scientifically. This is not to say that historians can reach a neutral perspective of unbiased observation. This would be impossible. It is a more modest claim that historians can put forward hypothesis and test them against the evidences of history (written documents, coins, weapons, pottery, works of art etc.). This is similar to how scientists test hypothesis in evolutionary biology or geology. They have no direct access to the past as it has already happened (sometimes millions of years ago), but they are able to test their hypothesis against the residue evidence of the past in the fossil or geological record. Historians do the same with their sources.

William Lane Craig suggests six ways that the historian can mitigate a lack of neutrality:

1.       A proper historical method.

2.       Public acknowledgement of one’s horizon and methodology.

3.       Peer pressure and review by the community of historians.

4.       Submitting hypothesis to experts who disagree with you.

5.       The presence of certain minimal facts agreed on by all historians.

6.       A serious effort at detachment from one’s own biases.

It has sometimes been suggested that there are no facts in history, only interpretations. There is something sinister about this view of history. Imagine telling a Holocaust survivor that there are no facts about WWII, only interpretations. That would do serious injustices to her experiences of the Holocaust which she knows to be a fact from experience. While it is true that all facts must be interpreted, it does not stand to reason to say there are no facts at all. The historian actually needs data to interpret. He must work with facts all the time. And while he cannot avoid brining his own biases to the interpretation process, he is nonetheless able to mitigate against his own biases through the methods suggested above.

The Problem of Miracles

It is sometimes suggested by atheists that Christians are returning to a pre-critical view of the world by believing in the miracles of Christ and his Apostles. This they argue is no different to believing in fairies, ghosts, and unicorns. These arguments first emerged during the Enlightenment. On the basis of Newtonian physics, Deist philosophers argued that God had created the universe much like a clockmaker makes a clock. He fashioned all the various parts, wound up the clock, and left it ticking. He did not intervene through miracle or providence. Benedict Spinoza (1632–77) – a pantheist philosopher – argued that miracles violate the unchangeable order of nature and are insufficient to prove God’s existence.

David Hume (1711–76) made similar arguments against the miraculous. Even if we admit that a particular miracle amounts to full proof for the existence of God, we are under no obligation to identify the event as a miracle. Why? Because against this perspective is the evidence of the unchanging laws of nature which do not allow for miracles to occur. William Lane Craig suggests that Hume makes four points against the miraculous:

1.       No miracle in history had been attested to by a significant number of educated and honest men.

2.       People crave the miraculous and will believe the most absurd stories.

3.       Miracles occur only among barbarous people.

4.       Miracles occur in all religions and thereby cancel each other out, since they support contradictory doctrines.

Several philosophers and apologists responded the arguments of Spinoza and Hume. Against Spinoza, Jean Le Clerc, Samuel Clarke, Jacob Vernet, and Claude Francois made their voices heard. Against Hume, Thomas Sherlock, Gottfried Less, and William Paley put forward arguments in defence of Christian theism. Christians argued, given God’s omnipotence, that miracles are possible. If God created the world, does he not also have the power to give sight to the blind and life to the dead? God conserves the world in being and may freely act according to his sovereignty as he wills. The course of nature is simply the regular pattern of God will. It is subject to God’s freedom to alter it as he wills.  It may even ‘include within itself the capacity for miraculous events’ (p. 258). Miracles could be willed from eternity so that there is no change in God’s decrees or natural law since this is established by God in the first place. Contra Deism, miracles prove the action and involvement of God personally in the world. If the existence of God is presupposed, miracles are just as possible as any other event. Moreover, miracles are matters of sense perception just like any other event and are therefore capable of being supported by historical testimony.  John emphasises the empirical nature of the resurrected Christ in his first epistle. He refers to Jesus as ‘that which was from the beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, which we have looked at and our hands have touched – this we proclaim concerning the Word of life’ (1 John 1:1).

Some argued that there was no way of knowing whether the miraculous was a product of divine or demonic intervention. Christian theologians responded by arguing that the doctrinal context in which the miracle was preformed allowed one to determine if the miracle was divine. The context of the Christian Gospels plainly shows Christ to be working miracles by the power of God the Holy Spirit. The same is true of His followers in the Acts of the Apostles. It was the Pharisees who argued that Christ preformed his miraculous exorcisms by the power of the devil. Jesus responded by arguing that if he were to cast out devils by demonic power, the kingdom of Satan would be divided against itself and therefore could not stand. He warned the pharisees that they were in danger of committing the unforgiveable sin of blasphemy against the Holy Spirit. This leads us to the question of who exactly Christ considered himself to be.

The Self-Understanding of Jesus

Craig explores the scholarly research that has been undertaken throughout the late 19th and 20th centuries. This has involved the so-called quest for the historical Jesus. There have been exactly three such quests – all coming to similar dead ends. The problem as Craig identifies it with the quest for the historical Jesus is the tendency of scholars to separate the Christ of faith from the Christ of history. It is taken for granted that the Christ who preforms miracles, heals the sick, and raises the dead cannot be an historical Christ. But why should this be the case? If you presuppose from the outset that miracles cannot happen, then you will find that miracles do not happen in your conclusions. What if the Christ of history is the Christ of miracles? This leads to the question of Christ’s identity. Who did Jesus consider himself to be? Craig explores several Christological titles and themes in the New Testament to answer this question.

As we read the Gospels, it becomes increasingly clear that Christ considered himself to be the Messiah. This is what the title Christos actually means. It is so familiar in the New Testament documents that it actually becomes something of a surname for Jesus. Famously, Jesus put the question to his disciples: who do you say that I am? And Peter answers, ‘You are the Messiah, the Son of the living God’ (Matthew 16:16). Jesus ratifies his statement by saying, ‘Blessed are you, Simon son of Jonah! For this was not revealed to you by flesh and blood, but by my Father in heaven’ (v.17). Jesus clearly understood himself to fulfil the necessary conditions for being called both ‘the Christ’ and ‘the Son of God’.

When John the Baptist has some doubts from his condition in prison, he sends some of his followers to Jesus with the question, ‘Are you the one who is to come, or shall we look for another?’ (Matthew 11:3). Jesus responds by saying, ‘Go back and report to John what you hear and see: the blind receive sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised, and good news is preached to the poor’ (Matthew 11:4). In other words, the signs of the Messiah that were predicted under the Old Covenant are now being fulfilled in the ministry of Christ. However, his kingdom is not political or revolutionary, but peaceful. Not only does Christ fulfil the role of the Messiah, he is also the Suffering Servant represented in the book of Isaiah. This is something Jesus tried to explain to his disciples before the events of the crucifixion: ‘The Son of Man must suffer many things and be rejected by the elders, the chief priests, and the teachers of the law, and he must be killed and on the third day raised to life’ (Luke 9:22). This is something no-one expected of the Messiah, but it says much about Christ’s self-understanding as the sacrificial lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world (cf. John 1:29).

Craig explores three texts in which Jesus presents himself as the Son of God. Firstly, he considers the parable of the wicked tenants (Mark 12:1–9) in which the owner (God) ultimately sends his son (Jesus) to the wicked tenants (Pharisees and Sadducees) who put him to death (crucifixion). Clearly Jesus sees himself as the climatic aspect of this parable in which the owner sends his own beloved son. It would be difficult to claim that this parable was tampered with by the early Church as without this aspect the parable would lack any climax and purpose. Jesus’ self-understanding becomes particularly clear in Matthew 11:27: ‘All things have been delivered to me by my Father; and no one knows the Son except the Father; and no one knows the Father except the Son and anyone to whom the Son chooses to reveal him’ (Matthew 11:27; cf. Luke 10:22). According to Craig, this text tells us that Jesus considered himself to be the Son of God and the one who reveals God the Father (p. 312). The final text Craig considers in which Jesus refers to himself as the Son of God is Mark 13:32: ‘But of that day or that hour no one knows, not even the angels in heaven, nor the Son, but only the Father’. This text is interesting in that it refers to Jesus in relation to the Father as the Son of God, but it also ascribes ignorance to Christ which would have been potentially embarrassing to the early Church. The fact that it is retained in the Gospel of Mark is an indication of its authenticity.   

Jesus also understood himself to be the Son of Man which occurs over eighty times in the Gospels. It is important to note that Jesus did not consider himself to be ‘a son of man’, but ‘the Son of Man’ with the definite article (ho huios tou anthropou). In other words, Jesus considered himself to be the Son of Man as described in the book of Daniel:

I saw in the night visions, and behold, with the clouds of heaven there came one like a son of man, and he came to the Ancient of Days and was presented before him. And to him was given dominion and glory and kingdom, that all peoples, nations, and languages should serve him; his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, and his kingdom on that shall not be destroyed’ (Daniel 7:13–14).

Jesus considers himself to fulfil this passage of profound eschatological significance. Daniel describes one who is both human (‘a son of man’) and yet charged with a dominion and a glory that is God-like and divine. It anticipates the Church’s teaching of hypostatic union – that Jesus is both fully God and fully man in one remarkable person.

All three of the titles considered above come together at Jesus’ trial. In the words of Mark’s Gospel:

And the high priest stood up in the midst, and asked Jesus, ‘Have you no answer to make? What is it that these men testify against you?’ But he was silent and made no answer. Again the high priest asked him, ‘Are you the Christ, the Son of the Blessed?’ And Jesus said, ‘I am; and you will see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of Power and coming with the clouds of heaven’. And the high priest tore his mantle and said, ‘Why do we still need witnesses? You have heard this blasphemy. What is your decision?’ And they all condemned him as deserving death (Mark 14:60–64).  

Here Jesus refers to himself as the Son of the Blessed (God), the Son of Man who will sit at God’s right hand, and the eschatological figure of Daniel who will come with the clouds of heaven. These claims were blasphemous to Jewish ears and demanded the death penalty. Jesus was claiming not only to be the Messiah, but also God himself in the flesh. Craig also argues that there is an implicit Christology in the ministry of Christ. His preaching of the Kingdom, his authority, his miracles, his prayer life, and his status as the arbiter of people’s eternal destiny all serve to authenticate his divinity and messianic claims. 

The Resurrection of Jesus

William Lane Craig begins with an assessment of the historical background to apologetics for Christ’s resurrection particularly as it found expression during the Deist controversy of the eighteenth century. Christians argued that the Gospels are authentic witnesses to Christ and his resurrection, that the Gospel texts are themselves pure, and that the Gospels are historically reliable. Craig suggests that this approach is flawed in the light of modern Biblical criticism and requires a more careful apologetic for the resurrection on the part of the Christian. This is not to say that their arguments are worthless, only that modern Biblical criticism has raised new questions that need to be answered. Here are the traditional arguments for the resurrection as argued against Deism:

The Gospels are Authentic – Internal Evidence

1.       The style of writing in the Gospels is what we would expect from the traditionally accepted authors – a simple and lively style pervades the synoptic Gospels, rather than anything fantastical or legendary.

2.       Luke was written before the Acts of the Apostles and must therefore have an early date of composition.

3.       The Gospels show an intimate knowledge of Jerusalem before its destruction in 70 AD. Jesus’ prophecies of this event must have been written prior to Jerusalem’s fall. This implies that the Gospels must have been written before 70AD as Jesus foretells the destruction of the temple and the fall of Jerusalem.

4.       The Gospels are full of proper names, dates, cultural details, historical events, and customs and opinions of that time.

5.       The stories of Jesus’ human weaknesses and of the disciples’ faults also reveal their authenticity.

6.       The Gospels do no try to supress apparent discrepancies which indicates that they are genuine accounts, rather than harmonised fabrications.

7.       The style of each particular Gospel is appropriate to what we know of their authorship. Luke for example reveals the meticulous method appropriate to his profession as a physician.

8.       The Gospels do not contain anachronisms.

9.       The Hebraic and Syriac idioms that mark the Gospels are appropriate to their authorship.

The Gospels are Authentic – External Evidence

1.       The Gospels and Epistles of the New Testament are themselves evidence for the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus.

2.       The Gospels and Acts are cited by several authors beginning with those contemporary with the Apostles themselves and continuing with the early Church Fathers. William Paley, for instance, traces testimonies from the Epistle of Barnabas, the Epistle of Clement, and the Shepherd of Hermas up to Eusebius in 315 AD.

3.       The Gospels and Epistles were cited as being Scripture by the Church Fathers or as actually having canonical authority on a par with the Old Testament.

4.       These New Testament Scriptures were collected into a distinct volume of writings within the Patristic community.

5.       These writings were given titles of respect by the Church Fathers. They were referred to as the Scriptures and divine writings.

6.       Extensive commentaries and harmonies were written on the books of the New Testament showing that they – and they alone – were considered to be Scriptures by the early Church.

7.        The Scriptures were also accepted as canonical and authoritative by heretical groups and opponents of the Church Fathers.

8.       The opponents of Christianity regarded the Gospels as containing the authoritative accounts upon which the religion was founded.

9.       Catalogues of authentic Scriptures were published by the Church Fathers which always contained the Gospels and the Acts of the Apostles.

10.   The so-called apocryphal books of the New Testament were never treated with the same kind of respect and authority as the canonical New Testament.

11.   Even if the names traditionally ascribed to the Gospels are mistaken, their accounts must nevertheless be regarded as genuine based on all the considerations given above.

The Text of the Gospels is Pure

1.       The text of the Gospels we have today is the same as the original autographs.

2.       The manuscripts of the New Testament were copied many times over which allowed for the original text to be preserved.

3.       As William Lane Craig points out, ‘no other ancient work is available in so many copies and languages, and yet all of these versions agree in content’ (p. 337).

4.       The differences that do exist are relatively minor and have no theological implications.

5.       The text of the New Testament is just as well preserved as the texts of classical antiquity, if not better.

6.       The quotations from the New Testament books and the early Church Fathers coincide – meaning there has been no textual corruption over time.  

The Gospels are Reliable

If the account of Jesus’ life, death, and resurrection is false, then the Apostles must either have been deceived or were themselves deceivers. Since both of these alternatives are implausible, it follows that the Gospel accounts are historically reliable. The witnesses to the resurrection had ‘personal knowledge of the facts of an extended period of forty days’ (p. 337). It seems highly unlikely that so many witnesses could be deceived over such a length of time. It is therefore unreasonable to ascribe their experiences to imagination, dreaming, or hallucinations. In response to the claim that the experiences of Jesus’ resurrection were hallucinations or the product of religious enthusiasm, William Paley argues that more than one person saw Christ appear – in fact there were several hundred witnesses. Could they all be the subject of hallucinations? It seems unlikely to say the least. They saw him not as individuals but together – at the same time. They saw him appear on multiple occasions. They touched him, conversed with him, ate with him. The tomb was empty. It would have been impossible for Jesus’ disciples to have believed in his resurrection if someone could have produced a body or if the corpse was still in the tomb. The Jewish authorities who were opposed to Jesus would have produced a corpse with haste – but they could not. All they could do was to claim the disciples had stolen the body. If they had stolen the body, how did they get past the armed guard which was put in place by the Romans and Herodians? It seems unlikely therefore that the disciples had been able to overcome armed Roman soldiers and a sealed tomb.

Were the disciples deceivers? Again, this seems deeply unlikely. They were willing to give their lives and suffer martyrdom for the resurrected Jesus. Why would someone give his life for something he knows to be a lie? It is very clear that Christians gave their life for the miraculous account of Jesus’ resurrection. All the early Church Fathers refer to Christ’s miracles and resurrection. It is clear that those who suffered and died in the early Church because of their testimony as Christians were doing so because they believed Christ had risen from the dead. Why would they die for a lie? The disciples were not cunning men or Machiavellian masters of political intrigue. They were common men of unquestioned moral integrity. Why would they risk their lives and reputation for a hoax they had conceived? It would be a pretty stupid hoax that led to one’s own death. Their lives were dramatically changed by the resurrection. They went from a place of grief and utter despair to a place of hope and joyful certainty and bravely suffered for their witness. Would these uneducated disciples have been able to persuade the world of Jesus’ resurrection had not their story been true? How would one explain the origin of the Church if Christ had not risen from the dead?

The Rise of Biblical Criticism

Craig considers the rise of Biblical criticism during the 19th century and the impact this had on traditional arguments for the resurrection. This criticism took the form of Rationalism – a sort of half-way house between Christianity and Deism. Critics charged that the disciples stole the body and invented the stories of a resurrection to turn Jesus into a spiritual Messiah. Others made distinctions between the Word of God and the Scriptures to allow Christianity in by the back door. The Scriptures were subject to doubt and criticism as fallible historical documents, but the Word of God was the domain of faith and holy practice. Jesus’ teachings were seen as the key to his ministry, not his death and resurrection. For the Rationalists, belief in a literal resurrection was not essential to being a Christian.

David Friedrich Strauss (1808–74) argued that the miracles of Christ and the resurrection were the work of religious imagination. The disciples simply could not bear to lose their master, therefore they revived him in myth and legend. The resurrection was simply an inner state of mind on the part of the disciple. The disciples did not deceive neither were they deceived. The fact that the resurrection was ahistorical did not rob it of religious significance. ‘A spiritual truth may be revealed within the husk of a delusion’ (p. 346). The disciples found the dying and glorified Christ in the Scriptures of the Old Testament. Hallucinations of the risen Christ appeared to them and confirmed what they had found in the Old Testament – Jesus must be alive. Jesus was neither liar, lunatic, nor Lord; he was legend.

During the 20th century, Karl Barth famously championed the theology of the resurrection, but denied that it was a literal event of history. In his commentary on the book of Romans he said, ‘The resurrection touches history as a tangent touches a circle – that is, without really touching it’. Bultmann argued that the miraculous elements of the Gospel must be demythologised if they are to have any meaning for modern readers. The true Christian message is the call to authentic existence in the light of the cross. However, a significant change occurred during the late 20th century towards views more accepting of the resurrection of Christ and testimony of an empty tomb. The most significant theologian in this regard is Wolfhart Pannenberg who establishes his entire theology on the historical ministry and resurrection of Christ.

Arguments for the Resurrection

N. T. Wright (b. 1948) in his landmark study The Resurrection of the Son of God (2003) argues that early Christians (the apostles and disciples of Christ) believed in a physical, bodily resurrection. The best explanation for this belief is the disciples’ discovery of an empty tomb and the subsequent appearances of the risen Christ to many witnesses. This hypothesis has the explanatory power to account for the belief in Jesus’ resurrection. Rival hypotheses such as dreams about Jesus, hallucinations, the body being stolen lack the explanatory power to account for that belief among early Christians. By way of conclusion, the best explanation for the empty tomb and the post-mortem appearances of Christ is that Jesus did in fact rise from the dead. Craig faults N. T. Wright for not taking the step of committing Christ’s resurrection to an act of history. This is presumably because miracles are off limits to the historian. But why should this be the case? Physicists, for example, work with entities to which they have no direct access such as stings, higher dimensional membranes, quarks, and even parallel universes. Why should the historian not be able to account for the resurrection on the basis of the historical evidence for an empty tomb and the post-mortem resurrection appearances of Christ?

According to William Lane Craig, the hypothesis ‘God raised Jesus from the dead’ is the best explanation of the historical data available. He puts forward three main arguments for the resurrection:

1)      The tomb of Jesus was found empty by a group of his women followers on the first day of the week following his crucifixion (and we might add that this was later confirmed by the Apostles themselves).

2)      Various individuals and groups thereafter experienced on different occasions and under varying circumstances appearances of Jesus alive.

3)      The first disciples came to sincerely believe in Jesus’ resurrection in the absence of sufficient antecedent historical influences from either Judaism or pagan religions.

The event of the resurrection is not merely a brute fact of history, it is a fact charged with meaning. ‘The significance of this event is then to be found in the religio-historical context in which it occurred, namely, as the vindication of Jesus’ own unparalleled claim to divine authority’ (p. 360). William Lane Craig points to these three facts as evidence of Jesus’ resurrection: the empty tomb, the resurrection appearances, and the origin of the Christian religion.

The location of Jesus’ tomb was public knowledge to both Christians and Jews. He was buried in the expensive tomb of Joseph of Arimathea, a leading member of the Jewish Sanhedrin. If Jesus had not really died and been buried, the Jewish authorities would have been able to procure the body as evidence against the Apostles’ claims. Moreover, the fact of the empty tomb is attested in early independent sources. Paul quotes from a very early tradition in 1 Corinthians 15: 3–5 that refers to Jesus’ burial and resurrection. When the tradition says that Christ was buried and then was raised from the dead, it implies that an empty tomb was left behind. According to William Lane Craig, there are some six independent sources which can be traced in the New Testament manuscripts for the empty tomb.

According to the Markan account, the empty tomb was discovered on ‘the first day of the week’ – another indication of its authenticity. The Markan story itself is simple and lacks legendary embellishments. The tomb was discovered by women. Interestingly, women were not regarded as credible witnesses in Jewish society and were considered to be second class citizens. This only adds to credibility for the modern reader. Anyone seeking to fabricate the account would have made sure that men were the first witnesses of the empty tomb. It stands to reason therefore that the account of the women finding the tomb empty is thoroughly genuine. The Jewish leaders charged the disciples with sneaking past the guards and stealing the body, but this line of argument simply presupposes that the body was missing. The early Christian community responded by saying that the chief priests had bribed the guards to say this.

Some take the argument that Jesus never really died on the cross. This seems an incredible point of view given that Christ had been beaten half to death, nailed to a cross, and stabbed in his side with a Roman spear, out of which the pericardial fluid was said to flow. On top of this, how could a man who was half-dead move the stone, fight away the Roman guards, and present himself as a glorious risen Saviour to his disciples? It seems too incredible to believe. Craig comments, ‘Roman executioners could be relied upon to ensure that their victims were dead’ (p. 373–74). That the mortally wounded Jesus could then have gone about proclaiming himself as the risen Lord is sheer fantasy.

One of the earliest testimonies to the resurrection of Christ is found in Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians:

For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also received, that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the scriptures, and that he was buried, and that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the scriptures, and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve. Then he appeared to more than five hundred brethren at one time, most of whom are still alive, though some have fallen asleep. Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles. Last of all, as to one untimely born, he appeared also to me (1 Corinthians 15: 3–8).

Paul testifies that the risen Christ appeared to multiple witnesses at different times and in different places. He appeared to Peter, the Twelve, James (his half-brother), then to all the Apostles again, and last of all to Paul. The conversion testimony of Paul is highly significant. Paul was a Jewish Rabbi, highly educated and profoundly gifted. He fiercely opposed Christianity to the extent of persecuting Christians and arranging their executions. Then he met with the risen Christ on the road to Damascus and his life was changed forever. He became one of the most astute advocates of the Christian faith and the first Christian theologian. In the words of William Lane Craig:

He left his position as a respected Jewish leader and became a Christian missionary: he entered a life of poverty, labour, and suffering. He was whipped, beaten, stoned and left for dead, shipwrecked three times, in constant danger, deprivation and anxiety. Finally, he made the ultimate sacrifice and was martyred for his faith at Rome. And it was all because on that day outside Damascus, he saw ‘Jesus our Lord’ (1 Corinthians 9:1).

The final point William Lane Craig makes concerns the emergence of the Church. Scholars have searched in vain for a pagan origin of Christian mythology. There is simply no parallel between the resurrection of Christ and the myths of Greece and Rome. In terms of Judaism, there was an expectation of resurrection, but this was believed to come at the end of history. It was thoroughly eschatological in nature. Nobody expected Jesus to rise from the dead. C. F. D Moule puts it like this:

If the coming into existence of the Nazarenes, a phenomenon undeniably attested by the New Testament, rips a great hole in history, a hole the size and the shape of the Resurrection, what does the secular historian propose to stop it up with? … The birth and rapid rise of the Christian Church … remain an unsolved enigma for any historian who refuses to take seriously the only explanation offered by the Church itself.

In the final analysis, we must all seriously face this question: what are we going to do with Jesus Christ? The Christian Church affirms that he is risen from the dead, that his tomb is empty, and that he lives in the power of an endless life. He claims to be both Lord and Saviour. He calls for you to submit to him in repentance and faith. Those who gain Christ, gain everything – the resurrection of the body and the glorious life of the world to come.

Conclusion

William Lane Craig’s account of Christian apologetics is a stellar example of Christian scholarship at its finest. It makes the case for God and the resurrection of Christ in innovative ways that respond to the questions of contemporary scholarship. It also has an historical dimension which answers questions from some of the greatest philosophers and theologians. For Craig, Christians know Christ experientially through the internal witness of the Holy Spirit. The arguments for the existence of God and the resurrection of Christ are supplementary to the internal witness. For the non-believer, Reasonable Faith sparks the important question of how we respond to Jesus. He claims to be the Messiah, the Son of God, and the Saviour of the world. What are we going to do with him?

"Until philosophers rule as kings …": The Argument of Plato’s Republic

Plato belonged to the elite of Athenian society and was active as a philosopher in the first half of the fourth century BC. He is arguably the most important philosopher in the history of Western philosophy. Alfred North Whitehead famously said, ‘The safest general characterization of the European philosophical tradition is that it consists in a series of footnotes to Plato’. There is a wealth of scholarly literature on Plato and his influence in the history of Western philosophy. The Republic has generated its own cottage industry of academic publications which demonstrate its continued relevance in contemporary philosophy. Plato’s thought has also been the subject of several academic studies. This particular essay will consider aspects of Plato’s epistemology, metaphysics, ethics, and political philosophy as they unfold in the narrative of the Republic.

Plato’s Republic is arguably his most famous and influential dialogue. It is a complex inquiry into the nature of justice as a virtue.  In book one, Socrates argues against Thrasymachus that injustice is never more profitable than justice - this sets the scene for the rest of the dialogue. In book two, Glaucon takes up the analogy of a magic ring that turns the wearer invisible. He argues that, given the opportunity, anyone would use this ring to act unjustly without suffering any repercussions for their actions. Socrates comes to the defence of justice by arguing that it is easier to see what justice looks like by considering the example of an ideal city - something bigger and more obvious than an individual. Socrates turns to the political to understand the nature of justice more clearly. He distinguishes workers and craftsmen from guardians and auxiliaries (the soldiers). Soldiers are to receive a comprehensive education but one that heavily censors poetry.  Tales that the gods cause bad things to happen as the poets sometimes suggest are to be censored. The gods are to be seen as wholly good and benevolent and never to be portrayed in a negative light. 

In book three, Socrates continues with his programme of censorship - deleting passages from the poets as he sees fit for the benefit of the guardians’ education. This is followed by a discussion concerning the value of imitation in poetry. Having dealt with what must be said in stories, Plato now considers how it must be said. Plato favours an austere and minimalist style with little attention to imitation. Socrates also considers the physical health of the guardians - especially the value of exercise and medicine. The best guardians are to be chosen as rulers; typically, this will be older men and women with the virtue of wisdom. Socrates suggests a myth be told as part of his indoctrination programme. They will tell the people that god mixed gold into those equipped to rule, silver into the auxiliaries who defend the city and make war, and iron or bronze into the workers and craftsmen. He allows for social mobility in this system by suggesting that some children born to bronze parents may have silver or gold mixed into their natures, whereas some born to gold parents may be of a silver or bronze nature. The guardians and auxiliaries are to live austere lives owning no private property and living communally. 

In book four, Socrates argues that the four cardinal virtues are present in the city - wisdom, courage, temperance, and justice. The particular virtue Socrates is considering (justice) is said to consist in doing one’s own work - soldiers will be soldiers and farmers will be farmers. This is justice at the communal level, but it remains to be discovered at the level of the individual. A city is just when the three natural classes each do their own work. Similarly, a person is thought to be wise when the respective parts of his soul achieve the right balance. The city is a projection of the individual and the constitution of his soul. Socrates distinguishes three parts of the soul - the rational, the appetitive, and the spirited - comparable to the respective social classes. The individual soul is said to be just when each of the three parts of the soul is doing its own work and achieving balance in the same way that the city as a whole achieves its particular balance. Plato gives precedence to the rational part of the soul which is said to rule over the appetitive and the spirited in much the same way that guardians rule over the auxiliaries and workers in the city at large.

In book five, Socrates breaks off the discussion about various types of constitution to inquire into what happens with wives and children in his ideal city. His listeners desire to know what the common possession of wives and children will amount to for the guardians and how such children will be educated. Socrates argues that women are to be completely equal with men in the roles they undertake in society - learning alongside of men, training with them in the nude, and even going to war with them. Children are to be possessed in common by the guardians so that no parent will know his or her own child and no child will know his or her parent. Plato advocates a system of eugenics to breed the best children much like you would breed the best dogs or horses. Supremely, philosophers will rule as kings in this ideal society:

Until philosophers rule as kings or those who are now called kings and leading men genuinely and adequately philosophise, that is, until political power and philosophy entirely coincide … cities will have no rest from evils … nor, I think, will the human race.

Political power is to be concentrated in the hands of a highly educated elite few who rule over the soldiers and workers. 

In book six, Socrates discusses what the philosopher should be like in comparison with the non-philosopher. He considers the difficulty of setting up the government of his ideal society. He argues that only guardians will become philosophers and that there may only be a few of them in government. He likens the state to the command of a ship. Only the philosopher-kings are intellectually fit to captain this ship because only they are able to see the Form of the Good and thereby to act justly. Socrates compares human knowledge to that of a divided line in two unequal sections - dividing the visible from the intelligible. In the visible realm, knowledge is gained through imagination (eikasia) and belief (pistis), but in the intelligible realm knowledge is gained through understanding (noesis) and thought (dianoia). The intelligible realm is home to pure mathematics, geometry, and the Platonic Forms. It is the world of pure being in general. The Forms are universals such as the Good, the Just, the Beautiful, but also perfect forms of shapes such as triangles and circles, as well as of trees, dogs, and cats for instance. The visible realm is the world of becoming and sense experience. This is the world we experience with our senses - the world we see, touch, taste, smell, and hear. 

In book seven, Plato considers the famous analogy of the cave. He imagines a story about prisoners who have been living in a cave from childhood and know nothing else. They have been fixed in the same place with bonds and fetters, unable to turn around. There is a fire raised behind them casting light and shadows on the wall in front of the prisoners. Behind them there is a path stretching between them and the fire and there are people carrying all sorts of objects like puppeteers casting shadows onto the wall in front of the prisoners. The prisoners never see the objects themselves or the light of day. They think the shadows they see on the wall are reality. It is all they have ever known. Plato compares the condition of the prisoners to the epistemic state of humanity. Human beings are like the prisoners seeing only shadows of objects, assuming them to be the real thing. This is what it is like to live in the world of becoming, mistaking shadows for reality. 

Suppose a prisoner was to be released and taken upwards out of the cave. He would gradually be able see the light of the fire, the objects people were carrying, and eventually the light of day and the world outside. Seeing the sun would be the Platonic equivalent of seeing the Form of the Good. Now suppose the prisoner was taken back down into the cave among the prisoners - they would suppose him to be a madman with all his talk of a fire, real objects, a world outside, and the light of the sun by which all things are seen. This is perhaps how the Athenians viewed the historical Socrates, a story that ultimately ended in his execution for impiety. For Plato, education is about leading a person to the Form of the Good. Plato recommends mathematics, geometry, harmonics, and astronomy as a system of education conducive to learning the Forms, all of which consider the invisible and lead to the intelligible realm. These subjects are a prelude to the subject of dialectic which leads to the Form of the Good. This preliminary education should begin in childhood, but not forced in any way; rather children should learn through play - a decisively modern idea! 

In book eight, Socrates identifies five types of constitution: aristocracy, timocracy, oligarchy, democracy, and tyranny. According to Plato, each system degrades into the system that follows it in the above order: aristocracy into timocracy, timocracy into oligarchy, oligarchy into democracy, and democracy into tyranny. Aristocracy is rule by a select few, ideally philosopher-kings. Timocracy is rule by those who love honour and military victory, much like the Spartan system of government. Oligarchy is a form of rule by the rich or a plutocracy. Plato is deeply suspicious of the democracy (rule by the people), probably owing to the fact that it was a democracy that executed Socrates on charges of impiety. One wonders what Plato would make of modern representative democracy. The possibility of a technocracy becomes increasingly possible in the West as highly educated politicians take the seats of government. Are we ruled by sophists or philosophers? This is a question for modern political philosophy. The democratic state of government gives way to tyranny, rule by a lone tyrant who executes those who displease him and rules by force.  In book nine, Socrates continues to explore what a tyranny is like and the nature of the tyrannical man whose soul is disordered. He considers the psyche of the tyrant in relation to the tripartite division of the soul and how this constitution is most of all unhappy. 

In the final book, Plato takes aim at poetry once more and imitative art to the extent of excluding them from his ideal city. In making copies of particulars, poets and painters are a third removed from the forms and hence true understanding or noesis. For example, god has an idea of a perfect bed (this is the Form of the Bed), a carpenter makes a copies of the ideal bed in his craft, but an artist merely imitates copies made by the carpenter, he does not grasp the Form itself. Plato closes the Republic by arguing for the immortality of the soul and the consequences for the just and the unjust in the afterlife. He takes an example drawn from the near-death experience of a man called Er, the son of Armenias, who describes in detail what happens to the soul after death - the unjust are punished and the just receive their reward. Plato concludes with a word about justice: 

If we are persuaded by me [Socrates], we’ll believe that the soul is immortal and able to endure every evil and every good, and we’ll always hold to the upward path, practicing justice with reason in every way.

The extent to which Plato has answered Thrasymachus’ question about justice is debateable, but there is certainly much here to capture the attention of philosophers, which perhaps explains why Plato’s Republic is one of the founding documents of Western civilization.

Bibliography 

Annas, Julia, An Introduction to Plato’s Republic (New York, 1981).

Benson, Hugh H. (ed.), A Companion to Plato (Oxford and Malden, MA, 2009). 

Cooper, John M. and D. S. Hutchinson (eds), Plato Complete Works (Indianapolis and Cambridge, 1997). 

Ferrari, G. R. F. (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Plato’s Republic (Cambridge, 2007). 

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